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Traditional High Cultures
Oral and Written Traditions and Rock Art as the Histories of Both Ancient and Living Peoples, Especially of the Americas before the Arrival of Europeans
 
Legend Motif Distributions on a Continental Scale

Here follows a paper outlining one of the areas to be presented in the WAC5 session with this title. We hope that all participants in the session (or related sessions) can read papers posted here in advance of the Congress, so there will be more time for fruitful discussion of new ideas among participants.More such papers are to come. For the WAC5 web site please click here.

 

The point of the set of papers by Dr. Berezkin's is that some motifs or episodes in legends and folklore are so specific that they are not likely to arise independently by chance, and their distributions among different peoples can therefore be revealing of earlier history. The distribution of certain motifs preserves a record of the migrations of the Southern Athabaskans, a migration down the eastern side of the Rocky Mountains, because only isolated members of neighboring groups also have these motifs, presumably the ones who were in the right kind of contact with the migrating peoples.

 

Northern Parallels in Southern Athabascan Folklore
By Dr. Yuri Berezkin, Academy of Sciences, St. Petersburg, Russia

Copyright © 2002 Yuri Berezkin. All Rights Reserved.

     The initial stage of Athabascan penetration into the Plains may be connected with the Avonlea culture (maximum spread at about 1200 b.p. in the Saskatchewan basin and Upper Missouri) though such an interpretation is not beyond doubt (Dyck and Morlan 2001: 125-126). Further archaeological traces of movements of the Southern Athabascans to the Southwest remain elusive. Linguists, however, agree that the splitting of Apachean from the main Athabascan stock was hardly much earlier than 1000 b.p. (Campbell 1998: 112; Foster 1996: 75; Perry 1980). The arrival of the Apache and Navajo in the Southwest could have been as late as 500 b.p. The genetic proximity of the Southern Athabascans to Puebloan peoples (Cavalli-Sforza a.o. 1994: 323-324, figs. 6.9.2, 6.10.1, 6.10.2) suggests their intensive interaction with the local populations of the Southwest and adjacent Plains. The oral literatures and especially the cosmologies of the Navajo, Western Apache, Jicarilla, Mescalero, Chiricahua and even Lipan share many motifs with those of the Hopi, Zuni, Acoma, Tewa and other Puebloan groups. The absence in Southern Athabascan folklore of motifs which are typical for Northern Athabascans would suggest that during migrations over long distances with complete changes of environment, a set of folklore motifs transforms easily and rapidly. If this were so, the areal distributions of motifs would be a poor guide for reconstructing prehistoric migrations.
     The systematic study of North American Indian folklore demonstrates however that this is not the case -- Apache and Navajo did preserve elements of their "pre-Puebloan" folklore. Some of these elements are predominantly Athabascan. Others, though known to other groups, are specific to northern areas of the continent. Being unknown to the Pueblo, they could hardly have been brought to the Southwest by any people other than the Athabascans. The Kiowa-Apache stand somewhat apart from this study because, being isolated from all other groups of the same language affiliation and being in a close contact with the Plains groups (first of all the Kiowa), they had the least favorable circumstances for preserving their northern cultural heritage. Nethertheless some pan-Athabascan motifs have been found even in Kiowa-Apache. Sarsi, another Plains Athabascan group (this time Northern Athabascan, in intensive interaction with Algonkian Blackfoot) plays no role in this research because there is insufficient information available on their folklore.
     Here I describe all links between Northern and Southern Athabascan folklore that I could find.


     Burned Moccasins (Th K1615). Two men spend a night in a forest,and take their moccasins or clothes off to dry them near the fire. One puts the moccasins or clothes of another in such way that they would burn at night; or he plans to throw them into the fire when his companion is soundly asleep. The companion however interchanges the moccasins without being observed, and as a result the first man burns his own property. He either dies of cold or invents something to get home.
     This episode is one (often the last one) in a series of conspiracies made by a father-in-law against his son-in-law whom he is eager to test or to kill. All corresponding texts are similar in their general structure and particular episodes. The burned moccasins motif, unknown outside of North America, has been recorded across the Subarctic and adjacent areas of the Midwest and Plains, both in its eastern part among the Algonkians and in its western part among the Athabascans. It has been found among the Montagnais (Speck 1925: 16-17), Menomini (Skinner, Satterlee 1915, no. II14: 366-371), Ojibwa (Jones 1916, no.24a: 377; Radin 1914, no.28: 54-59), Northern Saulteaux (Skinner 1911: 170-173), East Cree (Skinner 1911: 89-91; Swindlehurst 1905, no.3: 140-141), Swampy Cree (Ray, Stevens 1971: 52-57), and Plains Cree (Ahenakew 1929: 313-319; Bloomfield 1930, no.1: 16-18; Skinner 1916, no.2: 352-353). The Northern Athabascan versions include the Kutchin (McKennan 1965: 120; Fredson, Sapir 1982: 86 in Norman 1990: 150-151; Schmitter 1910: 29), Kaska (Teit 1917a, no.1: 41-42), Beaver (Goddard 1916: 233-234) and Tahltan (Teit 1919-1921, no.4: 227-224). The motif was not known to the Athabascans of southwestern Alaska (Athna, Tanaina, Ingalik, etc.) and I could not find it in the published materials on Chipewyan, Dogrib, Hare and Slavey. Because of this the Algonikians with greater reason than the Athabascans can be considered as the original possessors of the burned moccasins motif. Athabascans of the Yukon, British Columbia, Alberta and Northern Alaska probably acquired it later, though it is not possible to suggest any absolute. The motif was not known to most of the Indians of the Plains to the south of the Plains Cree. There are only two exceptions. In the Northern Plains, a father-in-law testing his son-in-law story with the burned moccasins motif is found among the Assiniboin (Lowie 1909a, no.8a, 8b: 154-159) who share also many other elements of their folklore with the Plains Cree (since about 350 b.p. the two groups were in intensive political and cultural interaction; DeMallie and Miller 2001: 572). Another case is the Iowa of the Prairie subarea. Here the burned clothes motif is integrated not into the father-in-law's tests story but into the tale about an imposter who tries to take the hero's place and to marry a woman (Skinner 1925, no.7: 458-461). In this respect the Iowa text is different from all others and can be considered as marginal.
     In the Southwest, the burned moccasins motif is recorded among the Navajo (Matthews 1994: 175-194) though not among the Apache. The tale is based on the same father-in-law's tests motif as the Northern Athabascan and Algonkian texts. A special detail proves that at the Navajo the motif did not emerge independently but was brought from the North. Here the burning episode lacks its original reason for being, because there is no deep snow or cold in Navajo country and consequently the destruction of the moccasins and clothes at night would not be as fatal as it was in the Subarctic. In the Navajo story, the father-in-law simply says that the place where they will stay for the night is Ridge of the Burnt Moccasins. Neither he nor his son-in-law hang their possessions by fire (their moccasins do not need any drying) but rather put them under the heads.


     Weather birds. A man comes to a nest of giant birds. When the birds return home, they bring with them clouds, rain, hail, etc. The male and the female birds bring different kinds of atmospheric conditions (e.g. snow and rain, rare night and day). The nestlings, answering the hero's question, tell him beforehand how their father and mother will appear.
     Unlike the burned moccasins, the motif of the weather birds can be considered as being specific to Athabascan folklore. Other cases of this motif are not numerous and belong to those groups which either certainly or very probably had intense connections with Athabascans. In some cases the motif is integrated into the same father-in-law's tests tales as the burned moccasins, the hero coming to the nest of the birds in search of the feathers for arrows which his father-in-law wanted him to bring. In such a context the motif is recorded at Upper Tanana (McKennan 1959: 179-180), Kutchin (McKennan 1965: 102; Schmitter 1910: 21-23), Tagish (Norman 1990: 111-113) and Kaska (Teit 1917a, no.1: 435-441). We might assume that the motif was also known to the Tutchone, but the data on their legends is incomplete. To the west of this core group inside Yukon – northern Alaska, the task-giver is the hero's rival or while climbing to the nest of the birds appears to be pursuing no clear aim at all. Such are Koyukon (Jetté 1908-1909: 498; Wright 1908: 33-34) and Tanana (Chapman 1914, no.30, 101-102) texts. To the east of the Yukon among the Hare (Petitot 1886, no.13: 141-144) and Slavey (Petitot 1886, no.5: 321-327), the man climbs to the nest because he himself needs feathers for arrows. According to another Canadian version shared by Beaver (Goddard 1916: 233-234), Yellowknife (Petitot 1886, no.3: 352-361) and Chipewyan (Goddard 1912, no.1: 46-49; Lowie 1912: 189-193), the hero first comes up to the sky and then descends back down by a rope or in a basket. Before he gets to earth, he falls into the nest of giant birds.
     Among non-Athabascan groups, Tlingit (Swanton 1909, no.31: 97) and Kutenai (Linderman 1997, no.9: 90-107) possess versions according to which the birds are dangerous enemies and have to be killed. Algonkian Gros Ventres of the Northern Plains preserve tales based on the father-in-law's test motif similar to the Athabascans of the Yukon (Cooper 1975, no.11: 482-487; Kroeber 1907b, no.20: 82-89). Among the Arapaho, another Algonkian group of the area, the birds are dangerous monsters destroyed by hero twins (Dorsey, Kroeber 1903, no.139-142: 341-387). Among the Crow (who were the first among the Siouans to enter the Plains from the east) the hero helps the birds to overcome a water monster who regularly devoured the nestlings (Lowie 1918: 144-148). This version has parallels in Central Eurasia which do not concern us now. A Wichita tale (Dorsey 1904a, no.16: 122-123) stands somewhat apart from the rest (a cannibal bird carries a man to its nest, he kills bad- weather nestlings, preserves good-weather nestlings, then kills the adult bird).
     In the Southwest most of the heroic stories describe the deeds of the twins who rid the earth of monsters, cannibal birds among those monsters. These heroes (often War Gods or War Brothers) occupy a distinguished part in legend and religion of both Athabascans and Puebloan peoples (Parsons 1939(1), table 2). However, the ornithomorphic enemies of the heroes are identified with the weather birds more regularly in Athabascan folklore, among the Navajo (Matthews 1994: 116-121), Western Apache (both San Carlos and White Mountains, Goddard 1918: 7-19; 1919: 132-135), Chiricahua (Opler 1942: 3-9, 12), Jicarilla (Mooney 1898a: 200-209; Russel 1898: 255-258) and Lipan (Opler 1940, no.1: 19-21). Among the Puebloan peoples, the weather birds are known only to the Hopi (Stephens 1929, no.7: 17-18). The latter have also such a detail shared with the Apache and Navajo as specific as one of the twins being conceived by the Sun and another by water. Another link that connects the Hopi and the Athabascans is a story which explains the emergence of monsters. They were born by the women who quarrelled with men, had been living apart and masturbated with different objects. The cannibal birds were conceived when women masturbated with feathers, and another monster, a giant antelope / elk / buffalo, was conceived from a horn. It seems that among the Puebloan peoples, the Hopi were in a more intensive cultural interation with Southern Athabascans (mainly with the Navajo) than were other groups.


     Tunnel under the Monster. The Hero has to kill a monstrous Stag, Moose, Antelope, or Buffalo. The monster's hide cannot be pierced by any weapon. Being always on guard, the monster does not let anybody come near unnoticed. To solve these problems, a small rodent (mouse, gopher, or the like) digs an underground tunnel to the place where the monster lies and then gnaws off its hair under its heart. When the monster asks what it is about, the animal explains that it needs some hair to make warm its small children. The hero crawls along the tunnel and pierces the monster's heart from below at the hairless spot. Then he uses its sinews to make a bow (in Subarctic versions) or (in the Southwest) makes a dagger of its horn or puts a bowel with the monster's blood under his clothes (later he breaks the bowel to make the cannibal bird believe that he is dead).
     Among Southern Athabascans these motifs (or better: this chain of motifs) is recorded among the Navajo (Haile 1938: 113-117; Klah 1960: 116-118; O'Bryan 1956: 85-86), Western Apache (Goddard 1918: 7-19), Jicarilla (Goddard 1911, no.4: 197; Mooney 1898a: 200-209; Russel 1898: 255-258), Chiricahua (Opler 1942: 3-9) and Lipan (Opler 1940, no.1: 16-17). Among the Puebloan peoples, the same story was known to the Hopi (Mullett 1993: 127; Stephens 1929, no.8: 20), Zuni (Cushing 1901: 32-35; Quam 1972, no.37: 182-194) and Eastern Keres at Sia (Stevenson 1894: 52-53) and Cochiti (Boas 1928a: 252).
The tunnel under the monster with helpful rodent detail is known also to some Interior Salish of the Plateau, in particular Kalispel (Teit 1917d, no.5: 117) and Flathead (Edmonds, Clark 1989: 20-23). In the Plains it is recorded among the Assiniboin (Lowie 1909a, no.8b: 156), Mandan (Bowers 1950: 265, 288), and Kiowa (Parsons 1929, no.1-2: 1-8). Among the Yuman people it was recorded at Yavapai (Gifford 1933a: 355, 404), a group which mythology combines traits typical for the Southwest and Great Basin. In all these cases borrowing from Athabascans is possible.

 

    The Cliff ogre (G321). An ogre induces people to walk on a cliff, and kicks or pushes them over the edge. The hero escapes death either by landing safely (e.g. as a feather) or (more often) dodging off and throwing the ogre himself over the precipice. In many cases the ogre's pets, children, or wife devour the victims who fall from the cliff, and in this way they mistakenly kill their own  father or husband.
     There are at least four Northern Athabaskan cases, including Kaska (Teit 1917a, no.1: 430), Southern Tutchone (Cruickshank 1992: 291-292), Beaver (Goddard 1916: 232-237), and Chilcotin (Farrand 1900, no.10: 24-26). The corresponding Southern Athabaskan texts have been recorded among the Navajo (Haile 1938 : 125; Klah 1960: 15; Matthews 1994: 122-123; O'Bryan 1956: 94-95), Western Apache (Goddard 1918: 7-19; Goodwin 1994, no.4: 16-38), Jicarilla (Goddard 1911, no.8: 202-203; Opler 1938, no.9: 57-80), and Lipan (Opler 1940, no.6: 33-36). The same episode was known also to the Kiowa-Apache (McAllister 1949, no.6: 30-44), though not to the Kiowa. Its spread among the Pueblo Indians is restricted to Zuni (Cushing 1901: 76-77, 424-418; Quam 1972, no.37: 182-194) and Eastern Keres (Stevenson 1894: 46).
     The Polar Eskimo version (Holtved 1951, no.3: 104-120) is an argument in favor of the cliff ogre having been established long ago in the American North, and the complete absence of Siberian, Meso-, and South American cases is against its easy independent emergence. One should not confuse the cliff ogre with related but different motifs like "person thrown into a hole with dangerous beings" (no deception element) or "demons devour one of their own kin taking him for the hero" which have somewhat wider distributions, mainly in South America.
     Most non-Athabaskan Amerindian versions of the cliff ogre are localized not far from the potential routes of Athabaskan migrations or among Indians who were in close contact with the Apache. These are the Kalispel (Teit 1917b, no.3: 116), Chinook (Boas 1894, no.1: 21), Nez Perce (Spinden 1917, no.1: 180-181), Arapaho (Dorsey, Kroeber 1903, no.130: 298-304), Yavapai (Gifford 1933a: 361-362), and Northern Shoshoni (Lowie 1909b, no.13, 15: 260, 262). The Shoshoni text lacks the typical detail of the ogre systematically killing his victim in this way. Only Wintu and Micmac are far from the routes of Southern Athabaskan migrations -- but it should be verified whether their texts show a precise match in their wording of the motif (at this moment I do not have access to the originals and include these two cases only because they were mentioned by Waterman (1914: 43).
     Both in Northern and in Southern Athabaskan texts, the motifs of tunnel under the monster, weather birds, and cliff ogre follow each other as episodes in the same tales. As Tyhurst (1975) has noted already, they could well have been transmitted as a single entity.

 

     Stone sinks, stick floats. Humans are mortal because stone thrown into the water sinks; they have missed a chance to be likened to wood or other organic matter that floats.
     Among the Northern Athabascan languages which share especially high number of cognates with Southern Athabascans is Carrier (Perry 1980:281-283). Carrier oral literature is not especially similar to that of the Navajo or Jicarilla but this circumstance has its explanation. The Carrier, like the Southern Athabascans, have only recently moved into the territory where they now live. It was earlier occupied by non-Athabascan, probably Salishan, groups (Pokotylo and Mitchell 1998: 98; Tobey 1981:415). This Plateau substratum has made the legends of the Carrier quite unique. Nevertheless there does exist at least one folklore motif shared by Carrier and Southern Athabascans.
     In the Subarctic this motif was known to the Tagish (Cruickshank 1992: 74; McClelland 1987: 275), Hare (Petitot 1886, no.6: 115), Dogrib (Franklin 1828: 293 in Boas 1917: 489), Kaska (Teit 1917a, no.4: 443-444), and Carrier (Jenness 1934, no.67: 249) and among Southern Athabaskans it was known to the Jicarilla (Goddard 1911, no.2: 194; Opler 1938: 45-46, 268; Russel 1898: 258), Western Apache (Goddard 1919: 138), Chiricahua (Opler 1942: 28), Lipan (Opler 1940, no.1, 2: 38-40), Navajo (Goddard 1933: 138; Klah 1960: 17; Matthews 1994: 77; O'Bryan 1956: 31-32, 99), and Kiowa-Apache (McAllister 1949, no.2: 20-22) though not to the Kiowa. No texts including it are found among the Puebloan peoples. The non-Athabascan Plains groups who also know the motif are few. These are mostly Algonkians of the Northern and Central Plains, namely the Blackfoot (Josselin de Jong 1914: 29; Wissler, Duvall 1908, no.3, 4: 20-21), Gros Ventres (Cooper 1975, no.4: 437), Arapaho (Clark 1966: 224-225; Dorsey 1903: 204-205; Dorsey, Kroeber 1903: no.6, 41: 17, 81), and Cheyenne (Kroeber 1990, no.1: 161). All of these could easily have been in contact with Athabascans at different times during their history. The only other group is Comanche (Saint Clair 1909b, no.16: 280).


     Fat horns. Mountain sheep horns were of fat.
     This motif has a restricted distribution and is recorded only among the Kaska (Teit 1917a, no.20: 466-467) and in the Southwest among the Navajo (Haile 1984, no.15: 79; O'Bryan 1956: 42), Western Apache (Goddard 1919: 138) and also at Hopi (Wallis 1936, no.11: 43). At Kaska Fog-people eat sheep's horns, which they call fat and cut like back-fat. In the Southwest, after a collective hunt Coyote does not receive the horns of a mountain sheep (the horns are considered to be a choice piece). To punish people, he causes horns to become pure bone and inedible.
     The various motifs described above connect not just Northern and Southern Athabascans in general but more particularly peoples of British Columbia, Alberta, Yukon, and northern Alaska, on the one hand, and Navajo, on the other, though at least some Apachean groups usually also share the same episodes. The tunnel under the moster chain of motifs is complex enough to be a proof by itself of Northern – Southern Athabascan connections. In the Subarctic it is also known to precisely the same groups as the weather birds, that is to Kutchin (McKennan 1965: 101-102; Schmitter 1910: 21-23), Upper Tanana (McKennan 1959: 179), Tagish (Norman 1990: 110), Kaska (Teit 1917a, no.1: 435-441), Beaver (Goddard 1916: 235-237), and Slavey (Petitot 1886, no.5: 321-327). In all cases both episodes are included in the same text. Some of these texts (Tagish, Beaver and Kaska) contain also the burned moccasins motif. The concentration of correlated episodes in the western Alberta – eastern British Columbia – southern Yukon area should thus point to a possible homeland of the ancestors of the Southern Athabascans.
Other motifs shared by Northern and Southern Athabascans have different distributions and are of lesser interest for us because they are not so specific, but are rather widely known to groups not speaking Athabascan languages. In the Southwest, the Apache (often also the Lipan) are the ones who usually possess these motifs, not the Navajo. If corresponding motifs were brought to the Southwest by Athabascans, the latter could well have borrowed them on their way to the south. Because the split between western and eastern Apachean dialects may have taken place before their separation from the main body of Athabascans (Perry 1980:285), it is possible that the sets of motifs which "proto-Navajo" and "proto-Apache" (only Jicarilla – Lipan?) had and shared with their non-Athabascan neighbors were somewhat different. Raven tries to starve people serves as an example of motifs which are typical of Apache only.

 

     Moving genitals. Female genitals existed separately from people before they become part of the human body.
According to the Upper Tanana, first men lived alone. Raven came to a country where women's vaginas lived flying about like ducks. He killed a good number, brought them to men, and put vaginas over the penises of some men, thus transforming them into women (McKennan 1959: 191-192). More or less similar texts about vaginas living as separate beings are recorded among the Kutchin (McKennan 1965: 92), Southern Tutchone and Inland Tlingit (McClelland 1975, vol.1: 93), and Tlingit and Haida (Boas 1916, no.124: 575). In Comox (the northernmost Coastal Salish) the story is not connected with the theme of acquisition of females in the originally all-male world (Boas 1895, no.4: 72-73) . There are somewhat similar South American tales, but in North America, the Jacarilla case (Opler 1938, no.9: 68-70) is the only one that is a direct analog to the Northern Athabaskan stories. Here it is included in the series of adventures of the Killer of Monsters (after the cliff ogre), which strengthens the argument that it was brought from the north.


     Raven tries to starve people. Raven hides or scares big game animals. preventing hunters from killing them. People first starve but then ultimately outwit him.
     There is not much doubt that all recorded versions of this motif being historically related. They occur inside a continuous area from the Kutchin of northern Alaska (McKennan 1965: 98), across the western Canadian Subarctic to the Kaska (Teit 1917a, no.1: 441), Beaver (Goddard 1916: 250-251), Chipewyan (Birket-Smith 1932: 87; Lowie 1912: 184-185; Petitot 1986, no.16: 379-281), and Hare (Petitot 1886, no.14: 150-154); to the western and southern Plateau among the Kutenai (Boas 1918, no.65: 213-219, 303-304), Western Sahaptin (Farrand, Mayer 1917, no.9: 157-164), and Nez Percé (Phinney 1934: 170-172); across the Plains among the Blackfoot (Spence 1985: 208-212; Wissler, Duvall 1908, no.1: 50-52), Arapaho (Dorsey, Kroeber 1903, no.122: 275-276), Cheyenne (Grinnell 1921: 308-312 in Edmonds, Clark 1989: 188-192), Kiowa (Parsons 1929, no.9: 21-26), Kiowa-Apache (McAllister 1949, no.9, 10: 52-53, 53-55), Wichita (Dorsey 1904a, no.27: 191-194), and Caddo (Dorsey 1905, no.1: 10-11); in the southeastern Great Basin among the Ute (Lowie 1924, no.34: 62-63; Smith 1992: 37, 64-65) and as far as the Great Southwest among the Jicarilla (Goddard 1911, no.20, 21: 212-214; Russel 1898: 259-261), Western Apache (Goddard 1919: 126-127), Chiricahua (Opler 1942, no.4: 15-18), and Lipan (Opler 1940, no.11: 122-125). Jemez (one of the Eastern Puebloan peoples, Tanoans) are the only Puebloans who know it (Espinosa 1999: 41-49). Most of these texts contain several specific details like the motif of a person being transformed into a puppy, picked up by Raven's children and letting animals loose at night (Kutenai, Sahaptin, Nez Percé, Blackfoot, Gros Ventres, Arapaho, Kiowa, Kiowa-Apache, Wichita, Tonkawa, Caddo, Ute, Jicarilla, Western Apache, Chiricahua, Lipan). Because Northern Athabascan texts lack this and some other details, they could not be the direct source of the Apachean version, which probably acquired its final form only in the Plains.


     One additional motif can be mentioned as a possible link between Northern Athabascans and the Apache though corresponding connections are far from being certain.
     Death feigned to meet paramour (Th K1539). A person (a man or a woman) pretends to die. When his wife (or her husband) abandons the person pretending to be dead at some burial place, that person marries his (or her) paramour.
     This motif is widespread across Alaska where it is known to most groups, whatever their language affiliation. It is also popular along the NW Coast as far down as Chinook (Wasco) and among the Inuit Eskimo. It is completely unknown in Siberia, although it appears again in Europe. The isolated cases in the New World outside of the Northwest are Ecuadorian Colorado (Calazacón, Orazona 1982: 50-54), Sauk (Algonkians) at the Midwest (Skinner 1928, no.9: 162-164) and Osage (Sioux) at Plains (Dorsey 1904c, no.21: 25-26). The Southern Athabaskan versions include Western Apache (Goodwin 1994, no.30: 142-145), Jicarilla (Opler 1938, no.18C: 371-373), Chiricahua (Opler 1942, no.1: 87) and Lipan (Opler 1940, no.1: 219-217). The three of them contain specific details: woman marries her lover and is recognized by her children. This peculiarity is shared with Osage, Tlingit (Swanton 1909, no.85: 245-247) and Tahltan (Teit 1919-1921, no.48: 243-244). Some Athabascan group related to Tahltan or having been in contact with them looks like a plausible source of the spread of the motif into the Plains and further into the Southwest. All other groups are geographically more remote and/or their versions are less similar to Apache and Osage. It is also possible that Osage or some other Siouan group could have been a source for the Apachean version. This motif is unknown to the Navajo.


Conclusions
     Several folklore motifs which are complex enough to make multiple independent emergence rather improbable, some certainly so and others possibly so, were preserved by the Navajo and Apache after their split from the main Athabascan stock. Most of the rest of the Southern Athabascan folklore consists of elements either borrowed from Puebloan peoples or shared by most or at least by a significant number of North American peoples to the south of the Subarctic. Such motifs are Eye-juggler (J2423) or Bungling host (J2425).
     The sharing of motifs between the Athabascans of the Southwest and of the Subarctic suggests that the homeland of the Southern Athabascans was in western Canada. This conforms well both with linguistic facts and with historical plausibility. It does not of course directly demonstrate that the Kaska, with whom Navajo and Apache share the greatest number of common folklore elements, must be the closest of their language kin. Motifs are not only inherited inside the group but also borrowed during intertribal contacts. We must also remember that our data on the oral literature of some Athabascan groups, Chipewyan among them, is far from perfect. Despite this uncertainty, it is clear that the oral literatures of most Alaskan Athabascans, other than Kutchin, have fewer elements in common with Apache than do the oral literatures of Alberta and Yukon groups.
(oral literature publicatitions to be included)


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Email to the Author Dr. Yuri Berezkin, Academy of Sciences, St. Petersburg, Russia